ADDRESSING GHANA’S ENERGY CRISIS- THE FEASIBLE SOLUTIONS

          The costly spate of Ghana’s protracted energy crisis has been a hot topic in both formal and informal public fora for a while now. Rather recently, the Yvonne Nelson led #dumsormuststop campaign, the accompanied “dumsor vigil” and the list of entertainment stars and politicians/public officials who continue to debate and discuss it has made the topic even more controversial and contested. Just the otherday I saw a comment on twitter that the word “Dumsor”- literally meaning “off-and-on”- was on Wikipedia. I was curious enough to look it up and true to the tweet it was there, live and colored hooting a loud “shh-aaaaame” to all Ghanaians (feel free to look it up too). But amidst all this ruckus, I see Ghanaians loosing focus of what I believe should and ought to be the main goal of these needlessly politicized discussions. What I have noted is that, whereas the discussion of the economy crippling, business crumbling and livelihood distorting effects of Ghana’s energy crisis is over-subscribed and passionately debated in all circles of the country, discussions on the search for lasting solutions and workable proposals are barely discussed. Ghanaians seem to be so engrossed in unnecessary, partisan politics and blame game that we have, as far as I can see, not dedicated enough time and effort to looking for feasible ways of solving such a pressing national problem or, at least, discussing feasible solutions in a unified, mature and decorous manner. The little problem –solving discussions that I am aware of have generated options all of which are “possible solutions” but many of which are either far-fetched or simply over-ambitious.

          I have discussed possible solutions to dumsor with a good number of my friends (both Ghanaian and otherwise) and the opinions have been quite interesting. But I will cut to the chase and delve into why some options are more feasible than others and why others are “outliers”. My opinions are defined by Ghana’s current economic standing, the current level of technological development and resource management and the projected impacts of the various energy options on the environment, pocket and people of Ghana. Overall, 4 main options are on the table; nuclear energy, hydro-electricity, petroleum/gas/coal powered thermal energy, solar power and wind power. Each one of these options is a laudable alternative, but when it comes to cost, management and environmental impact, some of them lose their feasibility in the face of the specific demands and peculiar situation of Ghana. Let’s analyze each option.

          First, nuclear energy. To be honest, I find this option laughable. It works for countries like the United States and China but certainly not for Ghana. Yes, Ghana’s demand for electricity keeps growing at a very rapid rate but we are still very far from the need for nuclear energy.  Ghana’s future energy demands, as far as I can see, do not require nuclear plants and energy. For one thing, nuclear plants are very expensive to build, stock, manage and maintain, costs that our lower-middle income country can barely afford and definitely cannot sustain. Nuclear powered states like the USA and China spend millions of dollars each year to keep nuclear reactors and plants operating at safe, well controlled levels, I honestly do not think Ghana can afford such high costs now or anytime in the near future. That aside, nuclear energy comes with some serious environmental and public safety concerns. Consider the Chernobyl and Fukushima nuclear disasters and their life-altering impacts on Russia and Japan…did that joggle your memory? What about the lives lost and the millions spent and lost in containing and halting the spread of the nuclear contamination…and the fact that vast areas remain contaminated and uninhabitable? Ghana is simply not in the position to either finance nuclear plants, guarantee the safety of the environment and the public or bear the cost of combating radiation in case disaster strikes.

         A nuclear reactor can be a nearly uncontrollable, destructive force if not properly and safely monitored and maintained. Preventing nuclear disasters require immense knowledge and skill in nuclear reaction and nuclear energy production, expensive maintenance, and a whole lot of technology, technical know-how and management skills that Ghana, at its current technological and economic level, does not possess and may not possess anytime soon. This means, choosing nuclear energy will require that the country hires foreign nuclear experts to run or at least oversee our nuclear energy production not to mention the huge cost of nuclear reactor plants. Anyone with a minimum understanding of the concepts of economics, public safety and national security will tell you this is a recipe for disaster.  That said, nuclear energy for Ghana now and in the near future is a BIG NO, NO.

          Next, hydro-electricity, the premier energy source for Ghanaians. Since the completion of the Akosombo dam in 1952, energy generation in Ghana has become almost synonymous with hydro-electricity. The Akosombo hydro-electric dam has served Ghanaians for decades and will continue to do so for a long, long time more. Hydro-electricity is not too dear because the most important input, water, is freely provided by Mother Nature. Once a country clears the costly hurdle of constructing the dam and installing the countless machines, the maintenance and management aspect becomes a breeze, as long as there is enough water, hydro-power will flow (pun intended). But droughts, lower rainfall and delayed rains are natural possibilities that threaten hydro-power production. All water bodies flow from and to somewhere and are unhindered by the artificial boundaries of countries. This means a single water body can be dammed in several places drastically reducing the flow of water downstream and limiting power generation.  It will therefore be unwise for Ghana to bank its hopes of a steady supply of electricity on hydro-electric power. As was evident in years 2007 and 2008, delayed/ reduced rainfall and drought can have a debilitating on the supply of hydro-electric power in Ghana so our solutions to the dumsor problem must be one that avoids or at least overcomes these challenges.

            As far as I can see, the best solution to Ghana’s energy crises is solar power. Yes, that nearly insatiable supply of radioactive energy from the sun is Ghana’s best bet at ensuring a steady and reliable energy supply while minimizing economic and environmental costs. Ghana, especially Northern Ghana, has a massive supply of sunlight that can be harnessed for power generation.  With ample sunshine almost all year round, Ghana has the potential to be make good savings on energy generation and supply by relying on solar power and cutting down on hydro and thermal electricity. I honestly cannot comprehend why such a move has been so long in coming when the past holds evidence of some usage of solar energy. I remember seeing solar panels on payphones across the country as far back as the early 2000s. Yet, about a decade on and we still do not seem to have much faith in the power of the sun to the extent that successive governments would rather talk about gas pipelines and thermal plants and barely pay heed let alone make financial and political commitments to solar power.

The sun is expected to keep burning for billions of years more, offering centuries of free, reliable and stable energy supply. It is time Ghana joins in harnessing solar power to solve our pressing and crushing energy crises and its devastating and prolonged negative effects on productivity, employment and development in Ghana. Countries like Greece, Peru and South Africa have joined leading economies like Sweden, USA and Germany in developing their solar power capacities and Ghana has no excuse not to closely explore the possibilities and benefits and follow suit. From North to south, East to West nowhere in our beautiful, tropical country is sunshine lacking. There are vast lands all across the country where solar farms can be established to produce high volumes of power for the country. For instance a solar farm anywhere in the three Northern regions (and even in Brong- Ahafo) can provide electricity to many, many people in these regions so that the Akosombo dam (And perhaps the Bui dam too) will only serve the densely populated regions in the South and their high energy demand.

When it comes to energy production and supply, Ghana is better off having a production and supply capacity over and above present demand because the need for electricity will only keep growing. This means the country must be able to plan for the geometric increases in future NOW so that this dumsor problem does not happen ever again. I read from an October 26, 2015 post on myjoyonline.com that after months of “hide and seek” the one of two power barges that are to arrive from Turkey to help alleviate Ghana’s energy crises is finally set to set sail and arrive in the country in 2 to 3 weeks. The combined output of the two power barges-which are to run on petroleum fuel- stand at an estimate of about 1300 megawatts. As far as I am concerned, this is not a cost effective measure and it has been necessitated by years of lack of planning on our energy supply. I do not claim to know the “true” cost of this transaction but former head of the Volta Rive Authority (VRA), energy expert Dr. Wereko Brobbey is reported to have pegged it at US$100 million excluding added cost of maintaining and fueling them for however long they will be in use. But my elementary economics and limited common sense tells me that Ghana will be far better off finding a lasting, sustainable solution to this problem than massaging it and making such wrongful spending decisions. Dr Wereko Brobbey is reported on myjoyonline.com to have said that the power barges may have been necessary back in 2013-2014 when the energy crises was at its peak but given that the mechanical problems that hindered production in the Akosombo and Bui power stations are now reported to have been resolved there is no need to spend such a huge amount on a temporary measure. We ought to be planning ahead not providing short-term management solution to problems that can be effectively solved. US$100 million is enough to begin the establishment of a solar farm anywhere in the country why are we not doing that?

But the blame is not all on our leaders and political heads, we the consumers are at fault too. The government is spending millions of dollars subsidizing a utility that is in short supply and any attempts to reduce the cost burden of the government through increased utility tariffs is met with resistance from a population spoiled by years of paying tariffs at below the market price even though we generally exhibit apathy to energy conservation and many are still illegally connected to the national grid. The truth is that the government needs money to finance better energy supply and Ghanaians ought to pay (Fully that is) for energy consumed. As to whether or not the supply is stable and reliable should not factor in the tariff because you pay for what you use and pay nothing if there is no supply. The “We will pay only if supply improves” is nothing but a pitiful, childish way of defending an unpatriotic position that impoverishes our nation. But guess what, politicians are afraid to lose votes and so are eager to bend to the whims and caprices of the masses to satisfy their short term needs instead of looking to the economic, social and political rewards of having a well-structured and highly productive nation. More efficient and cost effective power supply will help lower tariffs and save the nation money, thus appeasing both sides of the debate but that cannot possibly be done without planning and making the right choices for our dear nation.  

Cliché as it may sound, the possibilities of a Ghana that relies on solar power for much of its energy supply is endless; reliable and sustainable supply of power, lower tariffs, reduced environmental pollution and degradation, and reduced cost to the government and consumers among many others. I hope President Mahama returns from the India-Africa Summit in New Delhi ready to act on his promise to join in India’s green energy project after lauding it and virtually pledging to sign our nation up. I also hope this post will awaken decision makers to the benefits of a solar-powered economy and inform them to formulate and implement policies for its implementation and maintenance. #enddumsor.  

 

      

 

               ON STEREOTYPES IN GHANA

Growing up in my native Ghana, I would have never thought myself as subscribing to stereotypes and divisive, ethnocentric misconceptions. I grew up priding myself as one of the hospitable, accommodating and friendly people Ghanaians generally are. However, after being enlightened on the topics of racism, ethnocentrism and stereotypes, I have had a rude awakening.

      My dear Ghanaians, I am afraid we are not as open-minded and friendly and hospitable as we think. Outwardly, Ghanaians are generally friendly to all, but what about our perceptions of people whose race, nationality and ethnicity differ from ours? We may smile, joke and play with all people but do we really think of them as our equals? My analysis of my own life and that of others tells me the answer is anything but a definite yes.
     
        Oftentimes, Ghanaians think, act and speak along ethnic lines without even realizing that they are subscribing to certain stereotypes. The Ghanaian society reinforces and transmits stereotypes from one generation to another (sometimes unconsciously), perpetuating erroneous, divisive and derogatory misconceptions and negative perceptions of others. This system of negative cultural transmission is so disguised, widespread and yet so strong that it goes on virtually unchecked and children grow up subscribing to it without being able to tell stereotypes from facts. I remember when I was growing up in my small town of Abesim ( a small town near Sunyani in Ghana’s Brong Ahafo Region) ) we the children thought all whites spoke English and all whites understood us when we spoke gibberish like “Arish rish kontomire” which, to be honest, I still have no idea what it means. We would follow non-blacks singing “broni kokor maakye, yaa fichiri gongon” (Good morning whiteman/woman…). Come to think of it, we were being ignorant racists.  By our teenage years, family and friends had indoctrinated us to expect certain behaviors and actions from certain ethnic groups and nationalities. We were warned not to marry or befriend members of certain ethnic groups and nationalities. For every single stereotype one might make in Ghana, people will readily mention ethnic groups and nationalities that “bear” those stereotypes. To a large extent, stereotypes have become a vital means by which Ghanaians perceive and address problems. Generally, the names of people betray their nationality and/or ethnicity which in turn open the doors for to the various stereotypes associated with particular ethnic groups. What this means is that people almost immediately subject themselves to their prejudices and begin to judge people and expect certain behaviors from them. Ghanaians have a catalogue of “what to expect from…” lists based on which they relate with others, including their fellow Ghanaians so even before the first meeting or interaction, these sets of “what to expect” are prepped and ready to be employed and our perceptions of others are shaped and furnished even before we have met them.

If one should ask Ghanaians to categorize jobs and occupations according to ethnicity, he or she would be shocked at how menial, blue collar jobs like head porters (kayayo/kayayee), security, farm laborer etc. are commonly attributed to people from Northern Ghana while white collar jobs are commonly attributed to Southerners. The reality is far from so, but the common perceptions and ethnocentric mentalities support these biased opinions and to a near-justifiable point. This is because the stereotypes are so widespread and entrenched that they are almost truisms and people subscribe and transmit them, sometimes unconsciously, without even questioning their veracity. Similarly, Ghanaians attribute certain lifestyles and attitudes to certain ethnicities and nationalities. One ethnic group in Ghana is wrongfully portrayed as a juju/voodoo tribe, another is portrayed as being lazy, another as being largely uneducated, and yet another as a group of uneducated, pompous, cheats. When it comes to nationalities, a particular country is overwhelmingly (albeit wrongfully) infamous for fraud and armed robbery while the francophone nations are stereotyped for prostitution.

I used to subscribe to these stereotypes until the recent past, but now I know better; I have come to understand that stereotypes are mental prisons that jail our minds and blind us to the advantages of having a multi-faceted and diverse society. Ghana is a land of peace and love, we pride ourselves as being hospitable and I do not disagree to that. However, our hospitality and acceptance of others is a mere façade if we do not let that openness and welcoming attitude extend to our way of thinking and our perceptions of ourselves and others. How genuine can our love for others be if we think ourselves more important and superior to them? It will mean our approach to them will be a mere cosmetic arraignment; a window dressing designed to fool those outside while we are engulfed by the flames of ethnocentrism and racism that burn within. Ghana was built on the foundations of freedom and justice, peace and love, please let’s make it a home for all.

 

          

       

    AFRO-XENOPHOBIA: THE CASE OF SOUTH AFRICA

          It is with much lamentation that I write this. My heart has been shattered by the inhuman, horrendous and totally unnecessary violent attacks on foreigners-black foreigners-in South Africa. My sympathies go out to all victims and their families, and on the attackers and their supporters I wish a change of heart, justice and punishment.  In my opinion, these murderous acts are not “xenophobic” in the sense of the word because they are NOT targeted at ALL foreigners. Rather, they are targeted at “BLACK AFRICANS”. The Caucasian and Asian population are not being victimized and persecuted, at least not to the extent or on the scale of Black, African immigrants. This is why I labeled the case “AFRO-XENOPHOBIA” which I define as “an excessive hatred of black African expatriates”. This is not the first time Afro-Xenophobia has reared its ugly head in the “Rainbow nation”. There were similar attacks in Cape Town in 2006, Johannesburg in 2008, and as recently as last year and January, 2015 according to Human Rights Watch. When I heard of the recent attacks, I felt compelled to begin an earnest search for the factors that fuelled such atrocities. Information I have gathered through the media alleges that the attacks were triggered by a speech from Zulu King Goodwill Zwelithini in which he is quoted as saying foreigners “should pack their bags and go” because they are stealing jobs from citizens. Other sources i.e. The United Nations, say the attacks follow labor disputes between citizens and migrant workers. I believe both sources are right though only partly. Being the curious analyst I am, I have taken time to analyze the situation in search for answers to the baffling question “WHY?” Here is what I have unearthed.

First of all, South Africa has a high rate of unemployment (about 24%) and even higher among black South Africans. Independence in 1994 and the subsequent reconciliatory efforts of the late icon Nelson “MADIBA” Mandela opened the doors of a fledging and prosperous nation to the world and people were attracted to the vibrant economy, the comparatively higher standards of living and the new opportunities. Others, like refugees from Somalia and Eritrea sought safety from violent conflict back home. Currently, South Africa’s migrant population is about 2 million, approximately 4% of the population, adding to a rapidly rising population, high poverty rate, high crime rate and rising unemployment. This has created widespread frustrations with the Zuma administration and its alleged incompetence in handling the country’s immigration and economic policies. With such pent up frustrations and anger comes the tendency for the people to vent their anger on those whom they perceive as the cause of their woes, in the case of South Africa, that was the migrant population.

Until it ceded its position to Nigeria in 2014, South Africa had long been the largest economy in Africa, riding on the back of rich mineral deposits like gold and platinum as well as a fledging manufacturing industry and ever expanding service sector. Unfortunately, this laudable economic growth created vast economic inequalities as postulated by the Nelson Mandela Foundation among others. This inequality coupled with the huge influx of people from other African countries and from Asia- notably Bangladesh and Pakistan - put added pressures on native black South Africans who have historically had low literacy rates and therefore could not find well-paying high-level jobs. To make matters worse, these poor, uneducated South African lower class also lost out to immigrants in the informal business sector as well. As an owner of a “spaza” (a small store) reported to BBC, unlike the locals, foreigners form self-help groups and pool funds to buy goods in bulk and at cheaper prices, creating a revolving fund with which they expanded and sustained their small individual businesses. Similarly, skilled and well educated migrants flooded the job market and began establishing themselves in the middle class because the bulk of South Africa’s black population is not very highly educated. This has created a long standing and deep resentment for foreigners among some locals, all it takes are few fiery words and divisive rhetoric to fuel violent xenophobic attacks.

          But then, why aren’t non-blacks attacked on similarly violent and large scale? The answer lies I South Africa’s political history. Following independence in 1994 and years of reconciliation led by Nelson Mandela and Archbishop Desmond Tutu, South Africans have come to recognize and accept white and Asian South Africans as fellow citizens. The inter-relations that forged a multi-racial citizenry has almost totally eliminated the perceived racial differences that exist among black, white and Asian South Africans. Overtime, this coexistence has made it almost impossible to distinguish non-black South Africans from Caucasian and Asian tourists and immigrants. In fact, the South Africans have devised an informal identification system which distinguishes among immigrants. It might surprise you to know that in South Africa, black African immigrants are called “Africans” while all others are simply “expats” and while the general resentment is greater towards “Africans” the “expats” are better tolerated. Thus, many South Africans subconsciously have a greater affinity and tolerance for non-black migrants than for Africans.

          Moreover, this same multi-racial nationality of South Africa has put the country in what I call a “continental-identity crisis”. Many South Africans do not “fully” identify with the country’s continental affiliation. To many, South Africa is a “globe-state” of diverse cultural, racial and national backgrounds which just happens to be on the Southern tip of Africa.  Admittedly, South Africa’s position makes it difficult to engage with other African countries, especially those in West Central Africa.  And given that migrants from these areas pose the greatest competition for the menial, low-end jobs that many black South Africans seek, it is not very surprising that they are accused of and victimized for snatching jobs from the locals. With rising unemployment and poverty, native South Africans are running out of jobs and are now demanding the positions of foreigners, especially those in the blue collar sector who are-you guessed it- overwhelmingly African.

          I find it rather troubling that an illiterate local will attack a migrant doctor, teacher or nurse for snatching his job but that is what the historical, cultural and dire economic situations have degenerated a few South Africans to- murderous hooligans hiding behind culture and ultra-nationalism to feed their jealousy and resentment. For a country that endured the pains of apartheid, it is heart-wrenching that South Africa is home to such horrendous crimes against humanity. The blood of the innocent victims call for justice and I stand with them with mine.

#STOPXENOPHOBIA.

 

HARNESSING AFRICA’S MIGRANT HUMAN RESOURCES FOR DEVELOPMENT- PROBLEMS AND SOLUTIONS.

For many years, Africa has been lamenting the massive and continuous loss of its skilled labor and intellectuals to countries in other continents, mostly to Europe and North America. Brain drain has been partly blamed for Africa’s elusive quest for economic development but efforts to reverse or at least minimize this worrying trend seldom goes beyond the payment of lip-service. Governments, educational institutions, research agencies and concerned individuals regularly bewail, research, discuss, and debate brain drain but do not seem to be either proposing models and measures or, taking the necessary steps, to curb it. It for this reason that I have decided to discuss the issue and propose some measures for the amelioration of this persistent problem.  

          To begin with, brain drain is not just an “African Problem” requiring “African Solutions”. It is a global problem that requires a consented, global effort to curb. While Africa loses its learned and skilled manpower and a valuable tax base, recipient countries are faced with stiffer competition for jobs and increased pressures on social amenities. Given that Africa needs all the productive manpower it can get to spur development, it is imperative for Africa to lead the search for ways to minimize brain drain. Besides the vast majority of Africa’s migrants stay within the continent. However, the unregulated flow of intellectual expertise and skilled labor is robbing the African continent of the human resources needed to promote development and spur better living conditions. The human resources of African countries are attracted by the appealing offers of funding, higher wages and improved living conditions to migrate to other continents denying their native countries and continent the benefits that come with their knowledge, expertise and skill. Educational scholarships offered by schools in more developed countries have become key sources of brain drain with thousands of African students flooding into the education systems of granting countries each year. Many of these student opt to remain in their host countries even after their education rather than return to help build Africa. Like many other Africans, I lament this trend but my real pain is in why Africa is doing so little about this trend. In my opinion, the key factors supporting brain drain are endogenous; they are the result of the failures of African stakeholders to act in the interest of the continent and its component countries.

THE PROBLEM

Decades of economic mismanagement, corruption and bad governance and scarce human capital development opportunities have reduced Africa to a producer of academic raw materials which can be extracted, transferred to foreign lands and processed for the benefit of their new societies. Africa fails to realize and harness the extensive potentials of its population and as such the frustrations of limited opportunities combine with the attractive packages promised by developed countries to support brain drain. While creativity, problem solving and opportunities for capability enhancement drive economic success in developed countries, the same cannot be said for much of Africa. African economies appear to me to be driven (into a ditch) by two unreliable, potentially destructive factors; an overreliance on the production of raw materials and divisive partisan politics. Limited opportunities and misplaced priorities have doomed African development to a snail’s pace. Invaluable human capital and talent either goes to waste or is underdeveloped because the society offers limited opportunities for nurturing such potential. The result is that our people migrate to other continents in search of better opportunities.

          On one hand, Africa is almost completely dependent on agriculture with about 70% of the continent employed in the sector. However, productivity in the agriculture sector is far lower than that of Europe and North America both of which have less than 10% of their respective populations employed in the sector. While agriculture in Africa is oversubscribed, many still use rudimentary agricultural methods to produce raw materials for sale. In the long run, much of these raw produce are exported to other continents as cheap prices where they are then processed into finish goods only for us to import them back into our countries at much higher prices. The huge trade deficits that this creates take years and billions to finance, money that could be valuable capital for domestic industries and for infrastructural development. Without the needed capital and infrastructural base, local industries lose to the better resourced foreign, multinational corporations which export much of their profits out of Africa and poach our skilled labor. 

          On the other hand, divisive partisan politics (contaminated by corruption, greed and the biases of ethnic and religious affiliations) militate against the search for lasting solutions to Africa’s development problems. Our politicians seem to live for themselves and their families and cohorts, not giving a “hoot” what our needs are for as long as they can satisfy theirs. Support and capital for local business is barely there and governments are doing little to meet deficits in the supply of basic infrastructure like good roads and energy supply. This increases the cost of doing business in Africa, limits the production and employment capacities of businesses and makes migration to “greener pastures” more appealing. With our failure to identify, support, harness and retain our best minds, we lose many of them to other continents which are ready to pay for their expertise. We do not make the best of our human resources so we are losing it to those who do. The little we have is easily taken from us because we do little to protect and retain it.

THE SOLUTIONS

          In order to curb brain drain, Africa must take bold and committed measures to overhaul its national institutions and we the people must change our attitude to work, human resource development and resource distribution. Based on the fact that it is in Africa’s best interest to combat brain drain (given its adverse effects on the continent’s development), we ought to put measures in place to, first of all, reduce the rate of brain drain in the long term. This will require that we make our national institutions more resilient and competent enough to enforce laws and deliver on their assigned and expected functions with utmost diligence and reliability. The bulk of Africa’s problems are because our laws, institutions and personnel do not work at their best as they should and combating brain drain is no different. Ultimately, African governments have to options in the fight against brain drain; CARROTS OR STICKS i.e. persuasion/motivation or force. For the sake of the rights and freedoms of the people, African governments cannot force people to remain in their countries against their will so the use of “sticks” is, without question, eliminated. We are then left with “carrots”, my proposed option.

          Scientific research has found humans to be responsive to stimuli, be it physical, mental or emotional. As humans we seek to maximize pleasure and minimize pain and are more likely to exhibit behavior that elicits reward. Using these findings, I propose that African governments use persuasive and motivational measures to reduce brain drain and retain the expertise of Africans while attracting Africans in the diaspora for the same agenda. Here are a few ways this can be done.

          First, African governments must embrace the potential, positive changes that come with the expanding literacy rates and expanded skills set of the African population. African governments ought to embrace the continents growing middle class, skilled labor and elite and see them as vital as partners in development rather than as an opposition to their claim on political power. Africa is overrun by populist governments which feel threatened by the growing middle class, elites and local entrepreneurs and business. Rather than incorporating these classes into governance and development, many African governments try to either starve these groups of opportunities or corrupt and co-opt them into a spoils-system as a way of keeping them under control. The result is that the domestic private sector is which is meant to be an engine of growth suffers from limited capital, low productivity and government interference and cannot contribute much to development.  It is about time governments of African states become more accepting of the diverse views of the people, encourage and promote meaningful debate and competition and welcome contributions from across the political spectrum for the benefit of their respective countries. I believe this will give the growing middle class the opportunity to effect positive changes in government and spearhead the transformations that will propel Africa into economic and political development.

Moreover, the contributions of Africans outside the African continent does not have to strictly come from their physical presence on the continent. As an old Ghanaian adage goes “If the antelope cannot go to the festival, its skin can go in its stead”- if migrant Africans cannot be physically present on the continent, they can still contribute to its development through mentoring, political debate/discussion, education and most importantly, remittances. According to data from the World Bank Development Finance Database, remittances to Africa in 2010 was about US$45 billion. Other studies have indicated that the farther people travel, the more remittances they make to their home countries. This means Africans abroad are a major source of funds for family upkeep, human capital development and business financing back home injecting billions of dollars into their native economies each year. With the rising African population worldwide, this trend is only set to grow. This is an added reason why African governments ought to be more appreciative and accommodating of their migrant nationals and harness the potentials and benefits they bring. Think about it, popular African foods in America and Europe are so because there are large African populations that patronize these foods abroad. Ghana’s “Azonto Music” craze and Nigeria’s afro-pop music have caught on in the UK and elsewhere largely because of the huge migrant African populations there, creating a new kind of export and increasing the flow of remittances back home.

          Africans must unite to combat the cancer of corruption that robs the continent of its potential, human capital and resources. Because of corruption, African governments are unable and unwilling to deliver the needed services to their people. Much of the resources earmarked for infrastructural projects and the expansion of opportunities end up in the personal accounts of selfish, corrupt politicians and other corrupt individuals while development opportunities remain scarce. Domestic industries either fail or operate below capacity due to the lack of capital and basic infrastructure like energy while contracts are awarded to foreign companies or to corrupt local businesses in exchange for kickbacks and political favors. The corrupted African society makes it very difficult for individuals to develop themselves and earn good, honest living. To the concerned African, this can be really frustrating and could be the basis for migration elsewhere. There is the need, therefore, for the public to oppose corruption and impress on governments to tackle the issue in all sectors of the economy to promote the supply and provision of basic amenities so as to promote local industries, stimulate private investment and boost public confidence in their local economies. A transparent, responsive government is more likely to engender a politically and economically stable environment in which people will be more willing and more able to apply their skills, knowledge and expertise towards earning an honest living and contributing to Africa’s development. 

          Furthermore, Africans (especially those native to the continent) ought to appreciate the contribution of the society in nurturing them. Whatever the society one was born, raised or grew up in, there are certain environmental and social factors that add to your strengths. We Africans ought to appreciate these contributions more and make a commitment to give back to the societies and communities we are from, either to correct the wrongs that persist in these societies or to help strengthen and expand the positives therein. Africans are best placed to effect positives changes in Africa because we best understand and appreciate the dynamisms of our continent and have a vested interest in its development. It is about time we transformed our lip services into positive, consistent and productive action.

          Africa has a vast network of skilled labor, learned minds and strong manpower base that can (and must) be harnessed for the development of the continent. If we are failing to do so, it is not only because we are losing out to the enticing and appealing attractions of other continents, but also because we have not put our home continent in a position to nurture and keep these brains we lament over. As rational humans, we are more likely to choose the path that offers the greatest chance at maximizing pleasure and minimizing pain, and as it stands, Africa, compared to other continents, has limited opportunities for achievement. The onus therefore lies on all Africans and concerned global citizens to help Africa overhaul its social structure and political and economic institutions to make it more accommodating and attractive to the people and to elicit the kind of committed support that any purposeful, self-helping continent deserves.  

         

OPENOTHERAPY II: CURING AFRICA'S CORRUPTION CANCER

                       

       My last post was a diagnosis of the cancerous corruption that plagues the African continent and I promised to follow that with some proposed solutions for curbing the menace. In that post I highlighted three “pathogens” that induce corruption in Africa;

1.     The combined factors of power, wealth and greed.

2.     The unmitigated flow of poorly monitored foreign aid to corrupt African governments.

3.     Apathy and lack of political will for the fight against corruption resulting in very few prosecutions.

This post will not address this factors alone, it will go further to propose solutions for reducing this incurable cancer to its barest minimum and give certain guidelines on how best this goal can be achieved.

                  THE PROPOSED CURES TO CORRUPTION IN AFRICA.

         First on my list is increased commitment and political will to the war on corruption. Given the widely accepted notion (perhaps fact) that corruption is most endemic in the upper echelons of political and economic power, there is the need for African governments to be proactive and committed to combating it. Politicians and the legal apparatus are the custodians of whatever laws and policies countries devise so it is imperative that they themselves be committed to anti-corruption campaigns, if not, such campaigns will be mere facades, still-born campaigns that will never achieve the set goals. Our governments are best placed to spearhead the fight against corruption because they oversee both the financial resources and political powers of the state; a very lethal combination in the hands of the corrupt. It therefore follows through that getting our leaders to stay true to anti-corruption efforts will, at least, help check corrupt government and empower them with the moral right, legitimacy and clear conscience to enforce the campaign everywhere. The rot is most pronounced and massive at the top and the earlier this is addressed, the better it will be for African development. It would be very hypocritical for a government to preach zero tolerance for corruption when citizens are convinced it is what supports the lavish lifestyles of politicians. Citizens are more likely to support the fight against corruption if they are convinced political leaders, businesses and business magnates share that commitment and can be trusted to punish wrong and reward good. A street hawker on the streets of Accra once told me;

 “The rot begins at the top, we at the bottom do it to survive the system. We are not the bad ones, the leaders are. They are the ones starving us of our share of economic opportunities and forcing us to use foul means to make ends meet." 

Even though I disagree with his methods and reaction to the problem, to an extent, I agreed with his definition of the problem and I felt his frustration in every word he uttered.

        Second is the need for deterrence which ought to come in the form of the swift trial of alleged corrupt individuals and the imposition of severe punishments on guilty parties. Psychological research have proven the ability of the fear of punishment to induce deterrence, encourage compliance and discourage deviance. This knowledge set must be employed in Africa’s fight against corruption. At the moment, many individuals (mostly politicians and their cohorts) who are accused of corruption freely roam the continent (and the world) with little or no fear of formal charges and prosecution. Embezzlers who have siphoned and mismanaged public funds are shielded by their comrades in powerful positions while many people suffer for their selfish actions. African governments and the accompanying legal systems are slow and unwilling to punish corruption so this abhorrent practice has gained some normalcy in everyday life. The omnipresence of kickbacks and bribes and the political philosophy of “the fabled 10%” have become part and parcel of the business, administration and bureaucratic processes and failure to conform to these unwritten norms constitute grounds for unwarranted and manufactured delays and extensive red tape. The sad thing is, the public conform to these “customs” with little or no resistance.  People cite the threat of being blacklisted and sense of urgency as reasons for their defeatist attitude and powerlessness in the face of corruption instead of standing up to it. But we cannot fully blame them for having little trust in the ability of government to protect their interest and enforce discipline and transparency. That said, the law courts should be up and doing. The unnecessarily long remand periods and biases towards governments and politicians must be eschewed. Judges should be free, willing and able adjudicate cases and pass judgment without fear or favor. The purpose of the power of judicial review is to check the excesses of the executive and legislative arms of government and the judicial systems of democratizing African country’s must be willing and able to do so although this will, to an extent, be dependent on the government’s commitment to support the country’s anti-corruption campaign.

         Third, foreign donors and development partners ought to take measures to hold recipient governments accountable for all aid given them. It is detrimental to Africa’s fight against corruption for donor agents to simply pump resources to African governments without taking the proper steps to ensure that these funds are used for the intended purposes i.e. to accelerate relief and development efforts. It is rather saddening how African governments that are accused of corruption by their own people keep receiving aid assistance without proper monitoring of the final destination of these funds by the donors. It is time for Africa’s development partners to move away from the reliance on governments as middlemen and take resources directly to the target population. Many of the externally funded development programs in Africa have and are failing because much of the funding goes into the private offshore accounts of politicians and the pockets of corrupt project coordinators. The result is that very little positive impact is made in the lives of the poor and underprivileged who deserve help the most. Rather than relying on governments and project administrators, donor parties could either come in to directly supervise projects or only make financial commitments after the targeted projects have been adequately executed. Alternatively, resources could be converted from monetary to non-monetary assistance. For instance, rather than giving governments money to build schools, donor agents could directly employ contractors to build the schools. I understand that the dictates of sovereignty and national security could militate against this proposal but I believe there is the possibility of involving recipient governments in the development assistance process without allowing them assess to the economic resources. A key way to do this will be to give “in kind” rather than “in cash” assistance.

         In addition, there is the need for foreign governments to readily release illicit monies frozen in the accounts of corrupt African citizens. Many a times, millions in “black money” remain frozen in foreign bank accounts while the African countries they were stolen from remain neck-deep in poverty and relying on loans and bailouts to run their economies. I deem this “unethical” in the sense that such monies ought to be returned to the countries in question who are the rightful owners. The African Union’s Illicit Financial Flows Report of 2014 conservatively estimated that Africa loses about US$50 billion to corruption annually. Much of this jaw-dropping but lowly estimated sum lie in offshore accounts in Europe and America, either frozen by host governments or hidden and offering a steady supply of funds for the lavish lifestyles of Africa’s robbers.  Quite recently, I read a news article in “The Guardian” that stated that Switzerland will be returning a US$380 million loot linked to former Nigerian leader Gen. Sani Abacha to the country. I call for this to be emulated by all other countries, but as a precaution, these sums should not be wholly released to the current governments but rather used to offset whatever debts, loans or balance of payment deficits these African countries may have or used to directly finance infrastructural projects in the victim countries. I suggest this because I fear that returning these cash amounts to the source may end with their redirection into other (offshore) accounts. I know my African politicians all too well to risk that.

         Also, there is the need for governments- both in Africa and elsewhere- to check corruption among businesses and multinational corporations. In many instances, corruption in politics and business is perpetuated and facilitated by business organizations seeking to get their way. The undying desire to make profit pushes many organizations into the lobbying, bribing and blackmailing game and causes them to condone and engage in corruption. A lot of the “black money” supporting the lavish lifestyles of African politicians are from the dirty deals and kickbacks from businesses seeking to influence them. In the case of Africa, the lack of integrity and transparent government coupled with greed and weak institutions make it even easier for multinational corporations to corrupt our leaders. From oil, through precious minerals to even agriculture and industrial manufacturing, Africa’s abundant resources have attracted profit-oriented companies who are often quick to bribe their way into manufacturing and resource extraction. Examples for such corrupt deals abound.
        In 2008, German multinational Siemens was fined a record $800 million after it was found to have allocated funds totaling more than €1.3 billion ($1.7 billion) to help win overseas contracts from 2001 to 2007. The company’s charges included bribe-paying, corruption and falsifying documents. Similarly, in a 2008 investigation conducted by UK’s Serious Fraud Office, BAE Systems pled guilty to bribery in the award of contracts in Tanzania, South Africa and other countries and was fined the jaw-dropping sum of £286 million ($460 million). This is proof that corruption is not just an African problem, it is trans-continental, transcending state territories and continental divides. Africa must tackle the issue at home, but governments outside the continent must help in the fight or victory will remain elusive. Also, knowing that much of Africa’s stolen money ends up in offshore accounts in Europe and America, there is the need for foreign governments to check the flow of dirty money into their economies and expose and punish corrupt businesses based in their countries.

       Next, there is the need to educate the general public on the debilitating effects of corruption on our development and empower them to resist and oppose corruption in all its forms. The entire African population must be re-socialized to eschew corruption and value integrity and transparency in all dealings. The notion that “corruption is here to stay” must be erased from our minds and we must make conscious, consented efforts to “eradicate” corruption. The report of corrupt practices should become a fearless norm in our societies and the people must witness the trial and subsequent punishment of culprits. People should be bold enough to report corrupt individuals and trust the government to protect them and follow through on the allegations. Law enforcement agencies should also be educated, trained and properly supervised so they can take up their role in enforcing decency and integrity and perform them with utmost professionalism. Corruption in law enforcement agencies themselves is a key manifestation of the deeply rooted rot that bedevils the African continent.

      Furthermore, fighting corruption should be matched with the strengthening and resourcing of national institutions to make them capable of support the anti-corruption efforts. From national security agencies to the laws they work with, there is the needed for changes. Although African countries preach intolerance corruption, there seems to be very little laid down, well enforced strategies for its combat. Even the various institutions charged with stamping out corruption are often under-resourced (both financially and in terms of personnel), inactive, redundant and incompetent, or overrun by personnel who are either ineffective or outright corrupt themselves. Talk of the widespread extortion, bribery and corruption among the Police and Customs officers of African countries and the picture gets even grimmer. Misappropriation and mismanagement of state funds, embezzlement, favoritism and nepotism have rendered sensitive and vital public institutions inefficient while the contributions of the accompanied lack of effective supervision and monitoring have made corruption both easy to practice and to get away with. For many years, the Ghana Police Service has been voted the most corrupt institution in Ghana. If the law enforcers themselves are alleged to be lawbreakers, what legitimacy or moral right do they have to accuse and punish others for doing same? The shame is, similar stories exist all over Africa with law enforcement personnel and politicians cited as the most corrupt individuals. We have to overhaul our institutions if we want our laws to work effectively. If not, we will just be wasting time and resources.

           To sum up, corruption in Africa persists because for decades we the people have failed to stand up to it. Our institutions have failed to tackle corruption because we the people are not committed to its eradication and do not even give it the needed attention. For years we have condoned and validated corruption and have come to accept it as a “norm” of life. This misconception must be done away with if our fight against corruption is to be fought and won. What is lost is lost, but the present generation ought to rise and fight this canker that has perpetuated poverty and underdevelopment on a highly gifted and well-resourced continent. We owe it to ourselves as Africans and concerned humans to help eradicate corruption so that the millions whose lives are negatively impacted by corrupt practices can have access to the opportunities to live the better, improved lives they deserve. Many Africans die of disease and hunger because money meant for basic necessities like potable water, quality healthcare and food relief are siphoned by corrupt officials. It is our collective responsibilities as humans to help end their plight.

I AM JUST ONE OF COUNTLESS VOICES OF REASON, WILL MY PEOPLE HEAR ME AND PAY HEED??

 

OPENOTHERAPY: A DIAGNOSIS OF AFRICA'S CANCER OF CORRUPTION

           After decades of efforts by both internal and external stakeholders to help with the political and economic development of African countries, there is still much to be done to realize these goals. There is, sadly, very little the African continent can boast of in terms of economic growth though modest gains have been made in the area of political development. Obviously, political independence is now a given on the African continent, but the economic growth/ development that was expected to accompany it has eluded the continent until date. The continent is ravaged by the chronic economic disorders of unemployment, war, hunger, disease and extreme poverty and deprivation and lasting solutions to these problems do not seem to be anywhere near in sight. So why is a continent so blessed with natural resources, good climate plus lots of manpower so underdeveloped?

As a political medic, I have taken the time to analyze the underdevelopment problems of the continent in an attempt to find a cure for the continent’s chronic economic and political ailments.  I have read the literature, observed the symptoms, analyzed samples, performed the necessary tests and reached a plausible diagnosis. My diagnosis, Africa’s underdevelopment is the result of a cancer, a cancer caused by the polygamous marriage of the 3 deadliest political diseases known to man- power, wealth and greed- and worsened by its adulterous relationship with bribery. This cancer is a super-cancer, it is almost untreatable and can never be totally cured; this cancer is corruption. Yes, corruption; the unethical use of power and influence to gain or take unfair advantage of others and available resources and opportunities for personal gain.

Any literature on corruption in Africa soon becomes a cliché topic because the cancer is so common and so observable it has almost lost its abhorrence and is now even embraced, tolerated, condoned and accepted as a part of life, politics and business in Africa. But to accept this twisted and erroneous notion (which is itself a corrupted mindset) is to be defeatist in the face of a cancerous canker that is eating away Africa’s economic promise. In order to spur economic growth and win the fight against extreme poverty, hunger, disease etc. Africa must first tackle corruption because it is the main barrier to getting things right. But how do we do this? First, let us identify the factors that make corruption in Africa a widespread, endemic and terminal cancer. These contributory factors are not exhaustive, they are the key ones I have identified, there many others.

First on my list is the greed of the citizenry, both the rulers and the ruled. Corruption is endemic because it is everywhere; from the topmost echelons of political office to the bowels of the populace. At the top are the corrupt and corrupted “stomach” politicians who are not committed to the improvement of the living conditions and standards of the people but to amassing wealth to enrich themselves, their families and their cohorts. These demagogues see use political power as a stairway to riches and more power, an act fueled by their greed. They siphon billions of public funds into personal offshore accounts while infrastructural projects and policies remain either underfunded or totally ignored. Just recently, leaked reports revealed that millions of dollars in “black money” have been stashed in tax free HSBC accounts by African politicians and business magnates. At the bottom of the ladder are the “ordinary” citizens who condone these corrupt politicians and replicate their corrupt practices in their everyday dealings. It is a common African “norm” to use just part of designated funds and pocket the rest. In fact, many people will describe those who do so as smart and sharp while those who rightfully do otherwise are often labelled shallow minded and self-righteous. We praise corruption and idolize the corrupt and their ill-gotten wealth while we detest the honest and transparent because we see them as obstacles to our own corrupt “get-rich-quick” schemes. Greed pushes us to want more than we need and then some. We want it all but we want it all the easy way and that is why corruption is so attractive to us. Businessmen and women will bribe their way into the hearts and minds of politicians and bureaucrats, buying their bodies and consciences and making them their puppets.  From top to bottom, corruption is celebrated and guarded by its beneficiaries while opponents are vilified and promptly done away with, shameful.

Secondly, the unchecked excesses of Africa’s corrupt politicians are fed by the steady supply of foreign aid from the continents development partners. The vast majority of Africa’s political leaders and many of their government officials have either been ousted as corrupt or alleged against. Yet, what do we see, development partners raise funds to help combat the problems of Africa only to put these funds into the hands of these corrupt leaders. Financial assistance designated for relief projects like disease control, poverty alleviation and hunger relief end up in the private accounts of corrupt politicians because there is a disconnection between foreign donors and the actual victims they set out to help. With years of government to government relations has come a reliance on African government to be the mouthpiece of the people as well as the coordinators of all relief efforts. Due to the lack of channels of communication between the people and donor partners, African governments have become the indispensable middlemen and women who convey the problems and plights of the people to potential donors and humanitarians and, when the relief comes in, act as the distributors of relief assistance, or better yet, what’s left of it. A number of scholars of politics have written and spoken of how many African governments simply sit back, inactive, and wait on donor governments and agencies to pour in that aid money so they can misappropriate, embezzle and steal. To this end, Africa’s development partners are, whether knowingly or unknowingly, feeding into the cancer they are supposed to be helping to cure. Very little of the millions in relief aid ever really get to those who need it most, the largest sum is sucked up and lost in an elaborate maze of bureaucratic red tape, politics and theft. I hope that having said this donors will opt to deal with their beneficiaries directly rather than through governments because that is just counterproductive; it’s like doubling your cigarette sticks after being diagnosed with lung cancer and still hoping the disease goes away; you must be either incredibly steeped in faith or outright crazy. Donor governments and agencies are privy to the ostentatious and lavish lifestyles of corrupt African politicians yet many of them finance these corrupt regimes expecting that a still unfulfilled promise to eradicate corruption in Africa will be miraculously attained this time round. For decades we have been doing the same thing and expecting different results, that’s what Albert Einstein calls insanity. Poorly monitored and unaccounted external aid may not be causing corruption (at least not directly), but it sure it perpetuating it by dangling money before the eyes of our greedy, corrupt politicians and giving them a reason to launch at it. For the record, I do not advocate for an end to foreign aid to Africa countries. What I admonish is that donor agents should distribute all aid and relief resources directly to the target groups and subject the entire process to strict accounting, monitoring and supervision. As far as possible, politicians, state representatives and bureaucrats should not be allowed to act as middlemen and women for the process, that is how they get access to funds and rob targeted beneficiaries blind.

A third reason for Africa’s cancer of corruption is the fact that many known corrupt individuals are never formally charged and prosecuted let alone found guilty and punished for their dishonesty. There are countless known corrupt political figures and business magnates in Africa whose power and wealth insulate them from the heat of the law. Politicians live extravagant lifestyles but are not formally charged to declare their assets and source(s) of their wealth. Unexplainable wealth goes unquestioned, conflicts of interest and misappropriation of funds often go unpunished and the masses avail themselves as stooges of the corrupt, rich few because the culture of corruption has made them sycophants whose tongues are stained with the polish of the shoes of their corrupt benefactors. The “culture” of corruption I speak of does not refer to a “custom” of corrupt practices but to a socially accepted (although popularly undesired) habit of initiating, condoning and benefitting from the corrupt practices. Corrupt politicians rob their countries off wealth and opportunity and yet have the guts to seek the votes of the people in the next election because the people fail to realize that the power to effect changes is in their hands- on their thumbs, to be more specific. This lack of action in the citizenry could pass in totalitarian African states like Gambia where there isn’t much political freedom, but in the democratizing, politically open countries, this is just too sad to know. If citizens of African countries would stand up to corruption, oppose it and demand the prosecution and punishment of corrupt individuals, I believe it would help stamp out the cancer and set the continent on a much better route to economic development. 

Having identified the key factors behind corruption in Africa, I will next provide cures to the disease. My next post “OPENOTHERAPY II: CURING AFRICA’S CORRUPTION CANCER” will be on how Africa’s cancer of corruption can be addressed and overcome.

GHANA @ 58: CELEBRATE FOR WHAT??

           

               58 years ago today, on that warm Wednesday night, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah declared “…Ghana. Our beloved country is free forever.” 58 years on, this freedom is still in its infant stages although much gains have been made in terms of political freedom and stability. But with regards to economic growth, the country is left on the back foot. Decades of bad decisions, insipid leadership and poor resource management has left the country impoverished and clad I the shackles of poverty and underdevelopment. Every 6^th of March we celebrate our political independence for that is all it is; a celebration of our victory in the struggle to mismanage ourselves. Like a disobedient, rebellious child, Ghana made bad decisions in its youthful years and now, so close to retirement age, it still does not have enough to survive on. 

               For me, there is very little to celebrate for Ghana independence. I appreciate and hold dear the struggles and sacrifices of our forebears that won us our freedom, for me that is all I find worth celebrating. But when it comes to the progress made since then, I am afraid every little rejoicing I do feels a bit overdone. I cannot rejoice because our politics, with all the insults, corruption and biased, partisan deliberations, is far from mature. I cannot rejoice because human capital development and economic growth is stifled by unnecessary political debate, lack of political will and inefficient and ineffective policies. The country cannot even maintain a steady supply of energy to the people. Perennial gas/petrol shortages regularly cripple the productivity of the nation. The heck, we cannot even rely on our electricity supply. Homes, offices and businesses have lost their sense of purpose and direction because they are trapped in the dark, literally.

              Unemployment has become a growing problem in Ghana. Our population is rising steadily and schools are channeling more and more literates. Yet, businesses are operating at half capacity because they cannot afford to hire the needed labor. Productivity is falling due to factors ranging from unreliable energy supply and falling demand to embezzlement and misappropriation of funds. Many Ghanaians are playing the system, circling laws and economic principles trying to make ends meet while staying committed to living a life above their means. We all want the high life of fancy cars and mansions and we all want it now so we are living a million dollar life on a $100 paycheck. That’s nuts because it is unsustainable, no wonder people resort to bribery and corruption, illegal business and the “kalabule” tactics to support a life above their means.

              Ghanaians have been hit hard by the lack of economic opportunities and the difficulties of social mobility. Life at the bottom of the economic ladder is light years behind life at the top, a sign of the grave economic inequality that persist. At the top are the politicians and business magnates, many of whom made, and still make, a living of off the sweat, tears, ignorance and foolery of the masses. Gorging on the luxuries their wealth and power provide, they sit back and watch the deprived scrape around for sustenance, occasionally swooping down from their high economic heavens on wings of gold to make well publicized donations to a few underprivileged individuals when festive holidays, business advertisement and upcoming elections demand it. At the bottom is the collection of the underserved, underprivileged and the exploited masses, the custodians of the famed “kpa kpa kpa movement” and victims of the exploitative powers of the rich and powerful. Somewhere between the two extremes is the middle-class, a mixture of the educated and the nouveau riche which combines characteristics of the bottom and topmost groups, powerful and rich enough to exploit the poor but still subject to the influence and exploitation of the bourgeois class. A disjoint and a degree of competition and mutual hatred among these 3 classes has created a divided populace wary of the intentions of each other, fueling lasting distrust and robbing Mother Ghana of the unified front and coordination and cooperation needed for economic advancement. When Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah declared Ghana independent on March 6^th, 1957, he made a bold statement to the world,

“…the independence of Ghana is meaningless unless it is linked up to the total liberation of the African continent.”   

           58 years on, we have neither liberated ourselves from corrupt politics and chronic underdevelopment nor taken any purposeful action to do so. By not liberating our own selves beyond the freedom of independence, we have let our forebears and freedom fighters down, bigtime. We may have sought and found Nkrumah’s “political kingdom” but the economic kingdom is still notoriously elusive. That said, our independence is still meaningless, at least from the economic perspective. That is not to say our political freedom has been wholly achieved, we are still “governed” by conditions imposed on us by donor partners who fund our country’s misguided steps to economic development. In all fairness, not all of our problems are solely the fault of our successive governments. Sometimes, our governments are impeded by conditions they have to agree to in order to court development aid. For instance, it is now common place for the government to “freeze” public sector employment and state funded projects as a way of cutting government spending because a donor partner prescribes it. I do not know about you but to me that is neither political nor economic independence, although I also understand that the poor policies of government are partly to blame for our development woes and our readiness to go to these donors cup-in-hand. I am no time traveler and I do not know any necromancers who can help me hold a conversation with the many who sacrificed for our freedom. But I have major doubts they will be happy with how little Ghana has gained since then. In fact, I feel they will be disappointed and ashamed at how much we have run the country far away from and opposite to the high expectations they had for us. Ghanaians need a major makeover both in our mindsets and our actions. If we are willing and able to effect the needed positive changes, I guarantee Ghana will have a lot more to celebrate on the occasion of the countless 6^ths of March ahead.                                                                                                                                         

GOD BLESS OUR HOMELAND GHANA. GHANA, AYEKOO, HAPPY 58^TH.