OPENOTHERAPY II: CURING AFRICA'S CORRUPTION CANCER

                       

       My last post was a diagnosis of the cancerous corruption that plagues the African continent and I promised to follow that with some proposed solutions for curbing the menace. In that post I highlighted three “pathogens” that induce corruption in Africa;

1.     The combined factors of power, wealth and greed.

2.     The unmitigated flow of poorly monitored foreign aid to corrupt African governments.

3.     Apathy and lack of political will for the fight against corruption resulting in very few prosecutions.

This post will not address this factors alone, it will go further to propose solutions for reducing this incurable cancer to its barest minimum and give certain guidelines on how best this goal can be achieved.

                  THE PROPOSED CURES TO CORRUPTION IN AFRICA.

         First on my list is increased commitment and political will to the war on corruption. Given the widely accepted notion (perhaps fact) that corruption is most endemic in the upper echelons of political and economic power, there is the need for African governments to be proactive and committed to combating it. Politicians and the legal apparatus are the custodians of whatever laws and policies countries devise so it is imperative that they themselves be committed to anti-corruption campaigns, if not, such campaigns will be mere facades, still-born campaigns that will never achieve the set goals. Our governments are best placed to spearhead the fight against corruption because they oversee both the financial resources and political powers of the state; a very lethal combination in the hands of the corrupt. It therefore follows through that getting our leaders to stay true to anti-corruption efforts will, at least, help check corrupt government and empower them with the moral right, legitimacy and clear conscience to enforce the campaign everywhere. The rot is most pronounced and massive at the top and the earlier this is addressed, the better it will be for African development. It would be very hypocritical for a government to preach zero tolerance for corruption when citizens are convinced it is what supports the lavish lifestyles of politicians. Citizens are more likely to support the fight against corruption if they are convinced political leaders, businesses and business magnates share that commitment and can be trusted to punish wrong and reward good. A street hawker on the streets of Accra once told me;

 “The rot begins at the top, we at the bottom do it to survive the system. We are not the bad ones, the leaders are. They are the ones starving us of our share of economic opportunities and forcing us to use foul means to make ends meet." 

Even though I disagree with his methods and reaction to the problem, to an extent, I agreed with his definition of the problem and I felt his frustration in every word he uttered.

        Second is the need for deterrence which ought to come in the form of the swift trial of alleged corrupt individuals and the imposition of severe punishments on guilty parties. Psychological research have proven the ability of the fear of punishment to induce deterrence, encourage compliance and discourage deviance. This knowledge set must be employed in Africa’s fight against corruption. At the moment, many individuals (mostly politicians and their cohorts) who are accused of corruption freely roam the continent (and the world) with little or no fear of formal charges and prosecution. Embezzlers who have siphoned and mismanaged public funds are shielded by their comrades in powerful positions while many people suffer for their selfish actions. African governments and the accompanying legal systems are slow and unwilling to punish corruption so this abhorrent practice has gained some normalcy in everyday life. The omnipresence of kickbacks and bribes and the political philosophy of “the fabled 10%” have become part and parcel of the business, administration and bureaucratic processes and failure to conform to these unwritten norms constitute grounds for unwarranted and manufactured delays and extensive red tape. The sad thing is, the public conform to these “customs” with little or no resistance.  People cite the threat of being blacklisted and sense of urgency as reasons for their defeatist attitude and powerlessness in the face of corruption instead of standing up to it. But we cannot fully blame them for having little trust in the ability of government to protect their interest and enforce discipline and transparency. That said, the law courts should be up and doing. The unnecessarily long remand periods and biases towards governments and politicians must be eschewed. Judges should be free, willing and able adjudicate cases and pass judgment without fear or favor. The purpose of the power of judicial review is to check the excesses of the executive and legislative arms of government and the judicial systems of democratizing African country’s must be willing and able to do so although this will, to an extent, be dependent on the government’s commitment to support the country’s anti-corruption campaign.

         Third, foreign donors and development partners ought to take measures to hold recipient governments accountable for all aid given them. It is detrimental to Africa’s fight against corruption for donor agents to simply pump resources to African governments without taking the proper steps to ensure that these funds are used for the intended purposes i.e. to accelerate relief and development efforts. It is rather saddening how African governments that are accused of corruption by their own people keep receiving aid assistance without proper monitoring of the final destination of these funds by the donors. It is time for Africa’s development partners to move away from the reliance on governments as middlemen and take resources directly to the target population. Many of the externally funded development programs in Africa have and are failing because much of the funding goes into the private offshore accounts of politicians and the pockets of corrupt project coordinators. The result is that very little positive impact is made in the lives of the poor and underprivileged who deserve help the most. Rather than relying on governments and project administrators, donor parties could either come in to directly supervise projects or only make financial commitments after the targeted projects have been adequately executed. Alternatively, resources could be converted from monetary to non-monetary assistance. For instance, rather than giving governments money to build schools, donor agents could directly employ contractors to build the schools. I understand that the dictates of sovereignty and national security could militate against this proposal but I believe there is the possibility of involving recipient governments in the development assistance process without allowing them assess to the economic resources. A key way to do this will be to give “in kind” rather than “in cash” assistance.

         In addition, there is the need for foreign governments to readily release illicit monies frozen in the accounts of corrupt African citizens. Many a times, millions in “black money” remain frozen in foreign bank accounts while the African countries they were stolen from remain neck-deep in poverty and relying on loans and bailouts to run their economies. I deem this “unethical” in the sense that such monies ought to be returned to the countries in question who are the rightful owners. The African Union’s Illicit Financial Flows Report of 2014 conservatively estimated that Africa loses about US$50 billion to corruption annually. Much of this jaw-dropping but lowly estimated sum lie in offshore accounts in Europe and America, either frozen by host governments or hidden and offering a steady supply of funds for the lavish lifestyles of Africa’s robbers.  Quite recently, I read a news article in “The Guardian” that stated that Switzerland will be returning a US$380 million loot linked to former Nigerian leader Gen. Sani Abacha to the country. I call for this to be emulated by all other countries, but as a precaution, these sums should not be wholly released to the current governments but rather used to offset whatever debts, loans or balance of payment deficits these African countries may have or used to directly finance infrastructural projects in the victim countries. I suggest this because I fear that returning these cash amounts to the source may end with their redirection into other (offshore) accounts. I know my African politicians all too well to risk that.

         Also, there is the need for governments- both in Africa and elsewhere- to check corruption among businesses and multinational corporations. In many instances, corruption in politics and business is perpetuated and facilitated by business organizations seeking to get their way. The undying desire to make profit pushes many organizations into the lobbying, bribing and blackmailing game and causes them to condone and engage in corruption. A lot of the “black money” supporting the lavish lifestyles of African politicians are from the dirty deals and kickbacks from businesses seeking to influence them. In the case of Africa, the lack of integrity and transparent government coupled with greed and weak institutions make it even easier for multinational corporations to corrupt our leaders. From oil, through precious minerals to even agriculture and industrial manufacturing, Africa’s abundant resources have attracted profit-oriented companies who are often quick to bribe their way into manufacturing and resource extraction. Examples for such corrupt deals abound.
        In 2008, German multinational Siemens was fined a record $800 million after it was found to have allocated funds totaling more than €1.3 billion ($1.7 billion) to help win overseas contracts from 2001 to 2007. The company’s charges included bribe-paying, corruption and falsifying documents. Similarly, in a 2008 investigation conducted by UK’s Serious Fraud Office, BAE Systems pled guilty to bribery in the award of contracts in Tanzania, South Africa and other countries and was fined the jaw-dropping sum of £286 million ($460 million). This is proof that corruption is not just an African problem, it is trans-continental, transcending state territories and continental divides. Africa must tackle the issue at home, but governments outside the continent must help in the fight or victory will remain elusive. Also, knowing that much of Africa’s stolen money ends up in offshore accounts in Europe and America, there is the need for foreign governments to check the flow of dirty money into their economies and expose and punish corrupt businesses based in their countries.

       Next, there is the need to educate the general public on the debilitating effects of corruption on our development and empower them to resist and oppose corruption in all its forms. The entire African population must be re-socialized to eschew corruption and value integrity and transparency in all dealings. The notion that “corruption is here to stay” must be erased from our minds and we must make conscious, consented efforts to “eradicate” corruption. The report of corrupt practices should become a fearless norm in our societies and the people must witness the trial and subsequent punishment of culprits. People should be bold enough to report corrupt individuals and trust the government to protect them and follow through on the allegations. Law enforcement agencies should also be educated, trained and properly supervised so they can take up their role in enforcing decency and integrity and perform them with utmost professionalism. Corruption in law enforcement agencies themselves is a key manifestation of the deeply rooted rot that bedevils the African continent.

      Furthermore, fighting corruption should be matched with the strengthening and resourcing of national institutions to make them capable of support the anti-corruption efforts. From national security agencies to the laws they work with, there is the needed for changes. Although African countries preach intolerance corruption, there seems to be very little laid down, well enforced strategies for its combat. Even the various institutions charged with stamping out corruption are often under-resourced (both financially and in terms of personnel), inactive, redundant and incompetent, or overrun by personnel who are either ineffective or outright corrupt themselves. Talk of the widespread extortion, bribery and corruption among the Police and Customs officers of African countries and the picture gets even grimmer. Misappropriation and mismanagement of state funds, embezzlement, favoritism and nepotism have rendered sensitive and vital public institutions inefficient while the contributions of the accompanied lack of effective supervision and monitoring have made corruption both easy to practice and to get away with. For many years, the Ghana Police Service has been voted the most corrupt institution in Ghana. If the law enforcers themselves are alleged to be lawbreakers, what legitimacy or moral right do they have to accuse and punish others for doing same? The shame is, similar stories exist all over Africa with law enforcement personnel and politicians cited as the most corrupt individuals. We have to overhaul our institutions if we want our laws to work effectively. If not, we will just be wasting time and resources.

           To sum up, corruption in Africa persists because for decades we the people have failed to stand up to it. Our institutions have failed to tackle corruption because we the people are not committed to its eradication and do not even give it the needed attention. For years we have condoned and validated corruption and have come to accept it as a “norm” of life. This misconception must be done away with if our fight against corruption is to be fought and won. What is lost is lost, but the present generation ought to rise and fight this canker that has perpetuated poverty and underdevelopment on a highly gifted and well-resourced continent. We owe it to ourselves as Africans and concerned humans to help eradicate corruption so that the millions whose lives are negatively impacted by corrupt practices can have access to the opportunities to live the better, improved lives they deserve. Many Africans die of disease and hunger because money meant for basic necessities like potable water, quality healthcare and food relief are siphoned by corrupt officials. It is our collective responsibilities as humans to help end their plight.

I AM JUST ONE OF COUNTLESS VOICES OF REASON, WILL MY PEOPLE HEAR ME AND PAY HEED??